« I think it really belongs to Dominic Cummings, not Boris Johnson, who doesn`t believe in anything special. » In this context, one must understand the government`s claim to seek only technical adaptations – by violating international law in a « specific and limited » way. It should be heard in the cynical bending of a man who rests a baseball bat against a shop window and tells the owner how bad it would be if his premises were damaged. And in each of the debates we have analysed, the DUP breaks that promise by speaking out strongly against the withdrawal agreement. Unsurprisingly, they see the backstop as a threat. In 1922, the Free State of Ireland formally separated from the United Kingdom as an autonomous regime, in accordance with the Anglo-Irish Treaty, and was the conditions for full national independence, while Northern Ireland remained a member of the United Kingdom. As a result, the demarcation line between these two parts of the island has become an international border. Cross-border trade in goods and services has been subject to different tax and customs regimes and customs infrastructure has been put in place at designated border crossing points. All traffic was controlled by the jurisdiction in which it entered. This could result in a full search of the vehicle, with delays and inconveniences resulting. However, passport controls have not been enforced, with the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland part of the common travel area. May`s conservative and unionist party needs the support of the DUP to stay in power, but the DUP has never backed the Good Friday deal.
In fact, it was the only party to have retained the support of the agreement in 1998. She spent the most time rewriting or undermining the agreement. The author was an economic adviser to French Prime Minister Michel Rocard in 1998, when Rocard negotiated an agreement to restore civil peace in New Caledonia, in the Southwest Pacific. On 2 October, Johnson presented a potential substitute for the Irish backstop 2018 and proposed that Northern Ireland remain aligned with the EU in terms of product standards, while remaining in the UK`s customs territory. This would require product controls between Britain and Northern Ireland, but no customs controls on goods that should remain in the UK. With regard to the border between Northern Ireland and the Republic, its proposal would involve customs controls between Northern Ireland and the Republic (possibly supported by technologies implemented far from the border), but would not include product controls and safety standards on the island of Ireland.  This was rejected by the EU.  After Brexit, the border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland became an external border of the EU.  In theory, a « hard » border could return, both with fewer and monitored border crossing points, to support the necessary customs infrastructure.  Both the EU and UK negotiating teams have made it clear that this result will not be acceptable in any final withdrawal agreement.   Former British Prime Minister John Major argued that Brexit could lead to a hard border, since the European Union and the UNITED Kingdom must control their borders for customs purposes.
 The Conservative Party research group believes that the UK may have the choice of not controlling its border if VAT is not imposed or controlling the border to apply possible VAT on goods imported after Brexit.   The cross-border part of the agreement comprises 12 areas of cooperation controlled by the North-South Council of Ministers (NSMC).